Experiences

Course Reviews: Master of Public Policy at the Hertie School of Governance

When I started my graduate degree most people would hear ‘Master of Public Policy‘, nod, pause a couple of a seconds and then ask me what that was, exactly. At first I didn’t know how to answer. Judging from the answers given by my graduating class (and myself) we’re still not entirely sure.

Now, at least, when people ask me about the course I did I have a quickfire response: it’s like an MBA but for politics.

Need someone to revamp a bit of your company? Hire an MBA grad. Want somebody to draft you a new policy or run a project that isn’t profit oriented? Hire an MPP grad.

The world of modern government is difficult. The public sector is responsible for far more than it ever used to be, people expect much more from and the general public is generally more dissatisfied with it than ever. Public policy schools have sprung up to try to train people who can solve some of these problems.

“The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.” Isaiah Berlin

Personally, my motivation for doing an MPP came from my various internships in development and hearing the experiences of friends and bloggers who were doing similar things. I saw that, often, many organisations in the sector aren’t run very well. They aren’t financially stable, the people in charge are often technical experts rather than people who know how to run organisations, and, as a result, most organisations are struggling to stay relevant, transparent and respected during a difficult moment in history. Rather than become a highly specialised lawyer or logistics expert, I figured, why not go study to be a generalist – be the person who lets specialists focus on their specialisations.

The MPP programme dips into economics, law, politics, public administration and statistics; enough to give graduates an understanding of the broader set of challenges facing public and nonprofit organisations today. This is a degree that sees the fox as superior to the hedgehog, an approach that I think global development truly benefits from. If you want to come out of your graduate school experience an expert in your field, this probably isn’t the course for you.

Of course, you do learn skills. In the (brutal) first semester everybody gets a crash course in economics (both micro and macro in 12 weeks!) and statistics, where you learn to use STATA and understand multiple regressions. I did courses on digital economics, learned how to download and analyse social media data, got an introduction to law and participated in a series of mock negotiations during my two years in Berlin.

The MPP is a professional graduate degree that focuses on shorter, more workplace applicable outputs: memos, short essays, presentation after dreaded presentation. It is a tough and full time course that gets through a lot of material very quickly. The day I handed in my thesis I had an oral exam. After that, I went right home to work on two essays due that same week. Many of my peers would agree that this course was a lot more work and hours (say goodbye to your weekends) than most jobs. But once you get through it, nothing else is likely to phase you.

The Berlin experience

I chose to go to the Hertie School in Berlin for three main reasons: it was cheaper than most of the other options (both in terms of tuition and living costs); I really liked the city from previous visits; and my partner grew up in Berlin. I’m still very pleased with my decision.

There are things you probably already know. Berlin is cheap as chips. Berlin is still just about the coolest city on the planet right now. But it is also the capital of Europe’s most powerful country and the Hertie School is located a couple of minutes from the Reichstag, slap bang in the middle of the government district. Practically every day at Hertie a important minister, ambassador, policy maker or social scientist visits to give a talk (with free food and drinks afterwards). You can’t help but feel you’re at the centre of a major political capital. In addition, Hertie is tiny compared to most of its competitors – my graduating class, the only class of my cohort, was just 146 people. That’s it. You’ll know most of your peers and most of the professors will know your name and learn your interests. You don’t feel part of a huge machine at Hertie, but part of a very active, very well connected political community.

There are downsides. Hertie is a very young institution, just over a decade old, and doesn’t have the name recognition (at least outside Germany) of the LSE or Columbia University. Particularly for non-Europeans, battling with the bureaucratic German registration process and finding housing can be gruelling. While my fellow students were largely very well integrated there is no denying that the Germans tended to stick with their fellow Germans, leaving the rest of us ausländer to club together.

On the whole, however, the downsides were handily outweighed. What Hertie doesn’t have in brand recognition it makes up for in faculty and staff who are massively committed and energetic – it’s a young, small, hungry institution that doesn’t coast along on its name. One of the worst aspects of my undergraduate experience was the feeling that I wasn’t seen as a student with interests and potential, but a source of income. This will not happen at Hertie.

The MPP network

I heard about the MPP via the Master of Public Administration course offered at the London School of Economics (which is, broadly, the same as the MPP offered at Hertie). There are several Public Policy schools who band together around the world offering more or less comparable degrees and a huge amount of study abroad and dual degree options. Friends of mine studied part of their 2 year degrees in London, New York, Washington, Paris, Tokyo, Cairo, Milan and Moscow.

Hertie is the most Europe/EU focused of the public policy schools. It has EU staffers and former European Central Bank officials in its faculty. Most of the lessons focus on European issues (not German, specifically, but in recent years the two have been hard to disentangle). Some students were disappointed that they could not focus on geographical or thematic areas – such as Latin America or Conflict Resolution – so check out the rest of the policy schools before you choose one: most have a general area of interest/focus.

All MPP/MPAs are taught in English. You can travel the world and meet your fellow politics geeks at yearly student conferences like the European Public Policy Network or the Global Public Policy Network (which I attended in 2013). My graduating cohort contained students from 36 different countries, starting with Afghanistan all the way through to Uruguay. Friends have gone on to travel and work or study in many more countries. There aren’t many places in the world I can go and not find somebody in this network, sweating it out writing policy memos, ready to give me local tips and share a drink or two.

It’s not often in life that you will meet so many interesting people in such a short space of time (several of whom have written for this blog). In 20 years time, I’m sure that the most valuable thing to come from my time at Hertie won’t be the skills or ideas I learned, but the network of people I met.

Five characteristics of a happy Hertie MPP student:

  1. You don’t want to be a specialist/you don’t know what you want to specialise in just yet.
  2. You want to work in the public or nonprofit sectors (or in socially oriented business).
  3. You value personal attention over big name recognition.
  4. You care about the EU.
  5. You are internationalist in outlook.
Standard
Experiences, Projects, Unpaid Internships

The Internship Grind: Episode 3

And here’s Episode 3 straight from New York to you (via my reposting activities in Berlin).

What is the Fair Internship Initiative? I talk to interns about their thoughts on the FII and what the initiative may need to do get results.

As always, support The Internship Grind on Generosity (www.generosity.com/education-fundr…p-blog-podcast/) and you can learn more about the Fair Internship Initiative at fairinternshipinitiative.wordpress.com/

Check out the other episodes here.

Standard
Commentary

When Nationalism Comes Knocking (Part 1)

I like the European Union. I enjoyed studying abroad, I appreciate not having to go to a Forex when I travel from Berlin to Rome, I am able to buy affordable duty-free yummy French Camembert in Germany and I like that I have the opportunity to apply for jobs anywhere around the EU without thinking about permits, visas or the like.

Of course, I know that nationalism has seen a revival in Europe.

I have watched the news and seen Front National growing strong in France or Islamophobic ‘Patriots’ marching in the streets of Dresden every Monday night. Yet even among those die-hard critics of the EU there is consensus that at least the economic integration process (let’s not include the single currency here) of Europe has been beneficial to all Member States and to the large majority of their citizens (Greeks might disagree).

To me this has always been a hard fact and even one that can be generalized to other areas of the world: regional economic integration will pay-off.

In fact, it is one of the few projects for economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa on which almost all politicians, donors, businesses, civil society actors of different camps can agree easily. African Regional Economic Communities (RECs) are praised by the African Union for healing the scars of arbitrary colonialist borders, supporting local business development, fostering cultural exchange, supporting intra-African trade and other wonders. The latest African Development Report by the African Development Bank presents the arguments well and gives a solid overview about the status quo.

Active REC Pillars of the African Economic Community (notice the overlap) – Pink: Ecowas; Red: SADC; Dark Blue: ECCAS; Light Blue: COMESA; Orange: EAC (Source: Wikipedia)

As a convinced European I thought it would be interesting to see how this wonderful idea is put into practice and I managed to get an internship position with the German development cooperation (GIZ) at their support program for the East African Community (EAC) which is based in Arusha, Tanzania. The EAC is commonly described to be the most progressive and ambitious REC on the continent and has reached quite some milestones so far. Its five Partner States Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda have rolled out a Customs Union, continuously expand the scope of their own Common Market and have even agreed to enter a Monetary Union with the planned introduction of a common East African Shilling in 2024.

Studies tell you that the EAC is a role model for similar organizations. When I attend regional meetings I have the feeling that true progress is being made. Representatives from all partner states work together well and have an East African approach to many issues the region faces.

It’s the image I also get in my private life. Recently I went to “Sauti za Buzara” in Zanzibar, the most prominent music festival in East Africa. I saw great acts from Rwanda, Kenya and Tanzania and danced with Ugandans and Burundians alike. Other weekends I take the bus across the border to enjoy big city life in Nairobi or some Kenyan friends come over to pay us a visit. All I want to say is that – to me – East African regionalism is real and both my private as well as my professional life shows me how it can work – It looks like my optimistic expectations have actually been met.

 Alas, I am living in a bubble and it burst about two weeks ago. It is not the first time I got a reality check since I work at the EAC, but this time it was more brutal than before. Tanzania – our beloved host country – just gave regional integration efforts the bird. Again, it did not come as a total surprise. Tanzania has always been a bit reluctant about opening up towards its East African partners.

The so-called “Coalition of the willing” made up of Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda had already realized that and created what we termed in the EU as a “two-speed union”. While the Coalition has arranged for citizens to travel quite freely across these three countries, scrapped work permit fees and made progress on common infrastructure development, Tanzania took things a bit more slowly and only hesitantly implements previous EAC policies.

Yet, two weeks ago the Tanzanian government came up with two decisions that were not only not helping to further integration, but actually represented a fundamental step backwards: Firstly, the Civil Aviation Authority ordered the region’s biggest airline, Kenya Airways, to decrease its flights to Tanzania from 42 to 14 per week. Secondly, the Tanzanian parliament voted for a highly restrictive new immigration law that makes it even harder to get a work permit as a foreigner than it is already. The first decision has been taken back for now and the second still needs to be confirmed by President Kikwete, but they both sent a strong signal: integration is definitely not top priority.

It is especially frustrating for us at the GIZ because two of our focus areas of cooperation are Trade in Services and Free Movement of Workers. On top of that, Tanzania is the second biggest economy and the largest country in terms of population in the EAC – an actor you want to have fully on board.

But why does such a major player dither like that?

You might think that it would make economic sense to go for a bit more protectionism. After all there is some inequality between EAC countries and some Tanzanian companies are likely to lose out by having to compete with their more efficient Kenyan neighbors. Moreover, especially Chinese actors here are often criticized for bringing in workers for tasks that many Tanzanians would be able to do and with 65% youth unemployment jobs are very much needed.

Yet, on a second look, the economic argument is hardly valid. Overall, Tanzania has grown strongly since economic integration began in 1999: its GDP per capita more than doubled over the years and regional trade has taken a similar route.

Looking specifically at the two recent decisions, Tanzania would suffer dearly. The country’s important tourism industry complained strongly to President Kikwete when the ban was announced, as many of their customers are flown in by Kenya Airways and Dar businessmen rely on air transport to the business hub Nairobi. Tanzania’s own national carrier went bankrupt some time ago, local Precision Air does not have sufficient capacity to step in and the budget carrier FastJet is not allowed to operate in Kenya yet (some say that retaliation for this was the reason for the Kenya Airways ban in the first place). Concerning the other bill, Tanzanian businesses rely on bringing in foreign experts to close a great skills gap caused by a broken and underfunded education system. For many technical and higher managerial jobs that the country lacks enough skilled candidates to fill all positions. Simply restricting companies from recruiting outside of the country will not magically create a highly-capable workforce.

It seems like there is little ground to draw back from regionalism for economic reasons. Could we be facing the return of the spectre that haunted and finally helped to destroy the last attempt at an East African Community in 1977?

___

Continue reading Part 2 here

Standard